Tag Archives: police

COPS Enjoy Killing Private Americans

MDC says, COPS ALWAYS GET A FREE PASS TO KILL !!!  They threw away the tasers and decided to go with assault rifles on american citizens. The court doesn’t allow the video or the picture of the officers gun that MDC discovered.  What kind of cop, places “YOUR FUCKED” on their gun ? When , ya feel your above the law !!



Police body cam footage shows the moment a Mesa, AZ police officer gunned down an unarmed man in a hotel hallway — a shooting where the jury found the officer not guilty of 2nd degree murder.

The 2016 shooting happened in a hotel where police were responding to a report of someone pointing a gun out a window. Philip Brailsford was one of the responding officers, and in this video you see and hear the cops barking out commands to a man, Daniel Shaver, and woman the moment they walk out of their room.

MDC adds, ALL COPS are LOSERS , 20 year pension play, LOESERS !!!! You hide behind a badge, act like both parties are criminals, COPS have turned into a NAZI CLAN .

Film and Record for Self Defense 

While Feidin Santana and Ramsey Orta are hardly household names, these men played pivotal roles in one of the most important civil rights stories of our time.

They made news by using their cellphone cameras to record the police killingsof two unarmed black men: Walter Scott and Eric Garner. And though they may not have realized it at the time, such recording is constitutionally protected.

But that may be little comfort to people who record tense encounters between police and the public. After filming the April 4 shooting of Walter Scott, Santana told NBC News “I felt that my life, with this information, might be in danger. I thought about erasing the video and just getting out of the community, you know Charleston, and living some place else.”

Orta, who documented police choking Eric Garner to death on Staten Island, was arrested on an unrelated gun charge the day after the coroner declared Garner’s death a homicide. He was only recently released on bail after a second arrest on a drug charge. After pleading not guilty during a February hearing, Orta told the judge that he was the victim of a “frame-up” as apparent retribution for sharing his Garner video with the media.

Getting the Law Right

The ubiquity of camera-ready smartphones has spawned legions of “citizen journalists” like Santana and Orta. They may not think of themselves as reporters, but they do make news simply by witnessing, recording and sharing newsworthy events. It’s an act that’s become so commonplace that few think twice about recording events as they unfold on the street.

Recording police officers as they go about their duties, however, is a thornier issue.

Less than a month before the video of the Charleston shooting went public, a Texas state legislator introduced a bill that would make it illegal for people to photograph or record within a 25-foot radius of police activity.

Texas Rep. Jason Villalba dropped his bill earlier this week, citing a backlash from “far-left civil libertarians” and “far-right people who believe that we were somehow limiting First Amendment rights.”

Villalba’s confusion about these rights puts him in the unfortunate company of other lawmakers and law enforcement.

In March 2014, the Illinois Supreme Court struck down the Illinois Eavesdropping Law, which had made the recording of police officers without their consent a felony, punishable by four to 15 years in prison. The law, which had led to a number of arrests across the state, had the support of state police and prosecutors.

Earlier this month, a video surfaced on social media of an incident involving Virginia teens pulled over by police for what initially seemed a routine traffic stop. The driver, Courtney Griffith, turned on her video camera as several Virginia Beach police officers pepper-sprayed and Tasered her 17-year-old friend, Brandon Wyne, while he sat in the back seat. Following her arrest, the police confiscated Griffith’s cellphone and deleted the video of the encounter, but she was able to recover the file and share it on social media.

In June 2014, the U.S. Supreme Court unanimously ruled that police cannot search a person’s cellphone without a warrant. Authorities are investigating the Virginia Beach incident but it appears that the police violated both Griffith’s First Amendment right to record and her Fourth Amendment right against unreasonable government searches and seizures.

The ruling builds on earlier efforts from Obama’s Department of Justice. In 2012, the DoJ intervened in a case before the U.S. District Court of Maryland with an unequivocal statement of support for an individual’s “First Amendment right to record police officers in the public discharge of their duties.”

“Officers violate citizens’ Fourth and Fourteenth Amendment rights when they seize and destroy such recordings without warrant or due process,” added the Department’s civil rights attorneys.

The Law vs. Law Enforcement

While the courts and DoJ have been clear about our right to record, that message hasn’t always filtered through to the local level, says photojournalist Carlos Miller, who has spent the past eight years documenting many incidents of police harassment of photographers.

“Until we have stronger disciplinary action against police, officers are not going to shy away from making these sorts of arrests,” Miller said in a phone interview.

A bill being debated this week in the Colorado statehouse could help people in that state. It would fine police officers up to $15,000 for seizing or destroying a person’s camera or interfering with someone trying to film them.

Many police forces are considering plans to equip on-duty officers with body cameras, which would record their every encounter with the public. But Miller remains skeptical. “We cannot depend on the police to protect our rights,” he said. “Citizens will have to be the ones who will police the police — as we’ve seen in South Carolina.”

Miller predicts an increase in arrests over the summer as more people are out on the streets enjoying better weather. Consider the epidemic of police shootings in light of a recent Pew Research Center finding that mobile phone usage among U.S. adults has soared above 90 percent, and it’s likely that videos of police abuse will become even more common.

While the technology has changed, our constitutional rights haven’t. But how do we translate free speech and privacy protections at a time when anyone with a mobile phone has the potential to engage in an act of journalism? We need to ensure that these rights, in this new context, are understood and respected by everyone.

As more bystanders use cellphones to document the police, law enforcement must get behind the law and defend our right to record.

As the Campaign Director for Free Press and SavetheInternet.com, Karr oversees campaigns on public broadcasting and noncommercial media, fake news and propaganda, journalism in crisis, and the future of the Internet. Before joining Free Press, Tim served as executive director of MediaChannel.org and vice president of Globalvision New Media and the Globalvision News Network.


Police Brutality vs Indiana Pacers 

New Video Footage Of NYPD Brutally Beating Atlanta Hawks Forward Thabo Sefolosha

It was a rough night on Wednesday for two members of the NBA Eastern Conference leading Atlanta Hawks. Hawks forwards, Thabo Sefolosha and Pero Antic were hanging out at 1Oak nightclub in Chelsea when fellow NBA player Chris Copelandof the Indiana Pacers was stabbed repeatedly. Police were called to the seen and according to reports, the NYPD asked Sefolosha and Antic several times to clear the area, but they refused. Witnesses say Sefolosha got aggressive and police brutally attacked him (which can be seen in the video above). In addition to tackling him, police hit the basketball star with a baton before arresting him. In total, it took six different police officers to take down Sefolosha who was charged with “agressively charging at a police officer.” According to the Atlanta Hawks, Sefolosha fractured his fibia in the scuffle and is out for the remainder of the season. The NBA is currently investigating the incident. 

We Need Body Cameras 

MDC was informed many years ago from a friend about the need for body cameras as a personal defensive mechanism just for walking his dogs because of daily harassment by the #NYCPARKS Department. 

Obama pledges investment in body-worn-camera technology for police officers, researchers say cameras induce ‘self-awareness’ that can prevent unacceptable uses-of-force seen to have tragic consequences in the US over the past year — from New York to Ferguson — but warn that cameras have implications for prosecution and data storage.

An officer is obliged to issue a warning from the start that an encounter is being filmed, impacting the psyche of all involved by conveying a straightforward, pragmatic message: we are all being watched, videotaped and expected to follow the rules

Barak Ariel

Researchers from the University of Cambridge’s Institute of Criminology (IoC) have now published the first full scientific study of the landmark crime experiment they conducted on policing with body-worn-cameras in Rialto, California in 2012 — the results of which have been cited by police departments around the world as justification for rolling out this technology.

The experiment showed that evidence capture is just one output of body-worn video, and the technology is perhaps most effective at actually preventing escalation during police-public interactions: whether that’s abusive behaviour towards police or unnecessary use-of-force by police.

The researchers say the knowledge that events are being recorded creates “self-awareness” in all participants during police interactions. This is the critical component that turns body-worn video into a ‘preventative treatment’: causing individuals to modify their behaviour in response to an awareness of ‘third-party’ surveillance by cameras acting as a proxy for legal courts — as well as courts of public opinion — should unacceptable behaviour take place.

During the 12-month Rialto experiment, use-of-force by officers wearing cameras fell by 59% and reports against officers dropped by 87% against the previous year’s figures.    

However, the research team caution that the Rialto experiment is only the first step on a long road of evidence-gathering, and that more needs to be known about the impact of body-worn cameras in policing before departments are “steamrolled” into adopting the technology — with vital questions remaining about how normalising  the provision of digital video as evidence will affect prosecution expectations, as well as the storage technology and policies that will be required for the enormous amount of data captured.    

President Obama recently promised to spend $263m of federal funds on body-worn-video to try and stem the haemorrhaging legitimacy of US police forces among communities across the United States after the killing of several unarmed black men by police caused nationwide anguish, igniting waves of protest.

But some in the US question the merit of camera technology given that the officer responsible for killing Eric Garner — a 43-year-old black man suffocated during arrest for selling untaxed cigarettes — was acquitted by a grand jury despite the fact that a bystander filmed the altercation on a mobile phone, with footage showing an illegal ‘chokehold’ administered on Garner who repeatedly states: “I can’t breathe”. (A medical examiner ruled the death a homicide).      

For the Cambridge researchers, the Rialto results show that body-worn-cameras can mitigate the need for such evidence by preventing excessive use-of-force in the first place. Data from the Rialto experiment shows police officers are deterred from unacceptable uses-of-force — indeed, from using force in general — by the awareness that an interaction is being filmed; but this ‘deterrence’ relies on cognition of surveillance.

While the evidence provided by the video of Garner’s death would suggest a heinous miscarriage of justice, say researchers, the filming itself by a bystander would not generate the self-awareness and consequent behaviour modification during the incident as observed during Rialto’s institutionalised camera use.     

“The ‘preventative treatment’ of body-worn-video is the combination of the camera plus both the warning and cognition of the fact that the encounter is being filmed. In the tragic case of Eric Garner, police weren’t aware of the camera and didn’t have to tell the suspect that he, and therefore they, were being filmed,” said Dr Barak Ariel, from the Cambridge’s IoC, who conducted the crime experiment with Cambridge colleague Dr Alex Sutherland and Rialto police chief Tony Farrar.      

“With institutionalised body-worn-camera use, an officer is obliged to issue a warning from the start that an encounter is being filmed, impacting the psyche of all involved by conveying a straightforward, pragmatic message: we are all being watched, videotaped and expected to follow the rules,” he said.

“Police subcultures of illegitimate force responses are likely to be affected by the cameras, because misconduct cannot go undetected — an external set of behavioural norms is being applied and enforced through the cameras. Police-public encounters become more transparent and the curtain of silence that protects misconduct can more easily be unveiled, which makes misconduct less likely.” In Rialto, police use-of-force was 2.5 times higher before the cameras were introduced.

The idea behind body-worn-video, in which small high-definition cameras are strapped to a police officers’ torso or hat, is that every step of every police-public interaction — from the mundane to those involving deadly force — gets recorded to capture the closest approximation of actual events for evidence purposes, with only case-relevant data being stored.

In Rialto, an experimental model was defined in which all police shifts over the course of a year were randomly assigned to be either experimental (with camera) or control (without camera), encompassing over 50,000 hours of police-public interactions.

The dramatic reduction in both use-of-force incidents and complaints against the police during the experiment led to Rialto PD implementing an initial three-year plan for body-worn cameras. When the police force released the results, they were held up by police departments, media and governments in various nations as the rationale for camera technology to be integrated into policing.

Source – See more at: http://www.cam.ac.uk/research/news/first-scientific-report-shows-police-body-worn-cameras-can-prevent-unacceptable-use-of-force#.dpuf

The Cell-Site Stimulator 

MDC discovers new snooping technology. The new marketing sounds like a sex toy . MDC says the continuation of marketing fear is so thrilling for law enforcement, almost like the TV shows. 

“The technology goes by various names, including StingRay, KingFish or, generically, cell site simulator. It is a rectangular device, small enough to fit into a suitcase, that intercepts a cellphone signal by acting like a cellphone tower.

The technology can also capture texts, calls, emails and other data, and prosecutors have received court approval to use it for such purposes.

Cell site simulators are catching on while law enforcement officials are adding other digital tools, like video cameras, license-plate readers, drones, programs that scan billions of phone records and gunshot detection sensors. Some of those tools have invited resistance from municipalities and legislators on privacy grounds.”

NYC Police and The Good Bad Ugly


In NYC, the police have a mixed reputation, not unlike the rest of the opinions of police across America.

Some of the good police are in the hot crime spots across New York City, especially in the housing projects where the poorest New Yorkers reside. Gangs, drug violence, poverty, unhealthy air, all create an environment where gunshots can be heard day and night. When police are stationed in these housing projects, crime decreases and the residents are free to move about without the fear of death every moment coming from some senseless person having no respect for others or life.

Unfortunately not all of the patrolling cops are part of the NYC community and live in suburban isolation. The best attempts from these finest cops are often disconnected to the real needs of those communities they serve. These officers are not prepared by the heads of the unions and bosses in general to perform with understanding but the efforts by officers good intentions is appreciated.

The bad police are the ones who have turned their backs on the Mayor at funerals of their own comrades in blue. The bad police are the ones with white shirts who inflate the hostile in your face behavior of the officers they direct. Many have violated the rights of the citizens they were sworn to protect. The incidents of the bad behavior go back but were particularly in focus during the days of Occupy Wall Street when the white shirted pepper sprayed over and over again while herding non-violent protesters into danger.

Citizens treated like cattle or sheep, prodded, incarcerated, when protesting legally, is bad policing. Detectives going after the Garners among us, over and over again, getting off on the harassment of the underprivileged and low-level crimes like selling a cigarette for fifty cents to a homeless person even though the cost of that cigarette in New York is about sixty-five cents per smoke is no longer acceptable.

The Ugly Cop is the one who joined the force filled with the shadows of prejudice and privilege. The ugly cop was this close to being a career criminal but the badge has afforded him or her a safety net, a shield of authority to mask the psychological mess behind the badge. These are the few but they too exist. Ugly cops acted ugly to fellow New Yorkers when stop and frisk was a quota you filled at the cost of your soul.

The police slow down in New York was a gift to the little guy who barely gets by without the usual harassment. It was very pleasant in town and the constant level of a charged environment wasn’t felt. The over copping of the City on New Years Eve and the way police herd the crowds is so demeaning that you wonder why citizens accept this loss of freedom to move. The Police show up to work under these horrible conditions that their bosses have imposed on them. Maybe we could take a moment to understand that the people in charge of our Finest are the ones that are the bad and the ugly.

Threat of a NYPD COUP

MDC says, the battle of public relations between the NYPD and the citizens is sickening.

“The police union chief instructed his members to impose a martial law-type policing regime on the city.”

When Police Benevolent Association chief Patrick Lynch said New York Mayor Bill de Blasio has the blood of two dead cops on his hands, he was issuing a physical threat to both the person of the mayor and the civil authority to which the police are subordinate and sworn to protect. In a nation under the rule of law, such a statement by a representative of an armed and enflamed constabulary – 35,000-strong, the equivalent of three light infantry divisions – would trigger an immediate defensive response from the State, to guard against mutiny. But, of course, no such thing happened.

When Lynch’s PBA declared, in a prepared statement, that “we have, for the first time in a number of years, become a ‘wartime’ police department” and “will act accordingly,” that constituted an instruction to union members to impose a martial law-type policing regime on the city – with no authorization other than the weapons they carry. Sounds very much like a coup.

On Internet message boards, police union activists instructed the rank and file to refuse to respond to incidents unless two units were dispatched to the scene, and to double up even if given orders to the contrary. Under this “wartime” footing, the police would simply seize the power to deploy and assign themselves, as they liked – and to hell with the chain of command and civilian authorities.

To hell, especially, with Mayor de Blasio, who now travels nowhere except under the protective custody of police commissioner Bill Bratton, a “cop’s cop” and architect of the “Broken Windows” policing strategy that begat stop-and-frisk. Bratton translates de Blasio’s words into cop-speak, and has forged a tense truce between the uniformed legions and the man who won 95 percent of the Black vote on the promise to put a leash on the gendarmes.

There is no doubt the cops feel betrayed – a rage that has been building in synch with the growth of a nationwide movement that challenges the legitimacy of the Mass Black Incarceration State, of which they are the frontline troops, the “heroes” in the war to criminalize and contain an entire people. The chants and placards are an insult and an indictment of THEM, and of their centrality to the racist project that has been an organizing principle of the nation for more than two generations. How is it that cops can be compelled to “protect and serve” marchers whose purpose is anathema to the American policing mission: to beat down, lock up, and extrajudicially execute dissident, disorderly, uppity or merely inconvenient Black people?

The cops understand the law, and that the law is conditional, based on place, race and wealth, and that in the end there is only force, the use of which is their sacred monopoly. It’s what gives them a status that union paychecks cannot buy; what makes blue collar guys and gals “somebody” in society. Most of all, they know who is nobody: the beatable, friskable, disposable, killable folks who would be prey on any other day, but have lately been allowed to repeatedly parade down the most protected streets of the richest island in the country, screaming defamations.

“The cops’ rage has been building in synch with the growth of a nationwide movement that challenges the legitimacy of the Mass Black Incarceration State, of which they are the frontline troops.”

The cops are understandably angry and confused. As primary enforcers of the social order, they have an intimate knowledge of actual class and race relationships in America. Their perspectives are molded by the geographic and social boundaries they patrol; they are shaped and informed by the inequalities of the system they protect on behalf of the powerful people they serve. (Yes, they really do “serve and protect” somebody.) The cop’s worldview is also firmly anchored in the history of the United States. He may not be aware of his profession’s antecedents in the slave patrols, or even that the U.S. Supreme Court once ruled that Black people have no rights that the white man is bound to respect, but cops are the reigning experts on the borders that delineate rights and privileges in their localities. They know that public housing residents have virtually no rights that cops – as agents of the rulers – are bound to respect. They know that whole sections of their cities, encompassing most of the Black and brown populations, are designated as drug zones where everyone is suspect and probable cause is a given, or as high-crime zones where every shooting is pre-qualified as a good one.

These are the Constitution-free zones, full of people who get and deserve no protection by or from the police. The very existence of Constitution-free zones means that the Bill of Rights is not the law of the land, but a Potemkin façade, a con game, a chimera – and no one knows this better than the cops, whose job is to ensure, as best they can, that everyone stays within their designated space.

For about a million Black people, the assigned “space” is prison. The Mass Black Incarceration State is the edifice that defines the American system of justice, setting it apart from the rest of the world in size, racial selectivity, draconian sentencing and institutionalized torture (80,000 inmates in solitary confinement on any given day). The police are the drones that feed the infernal prison machine, and keep Black America in a state of rightlessness. As Shakespeare’s mercenary warrior Othello would put it: We “have done the state some service, and they know it.”

“New York City’s police force is especially prone to mutiny and coup-plotting.”

The cops threaten mutiny if the State does not stick up for the men and women who do its dirty work. PBA honcho Patrick Lynch denounced “those that incited violence on the street under the guise of protests that tried to tear down what New York City police officers did everyday. We tried to warn, ‘It must not go on. It cannot be tolerated.’”

To which the protesters answer: the police killings and the criminalization of a whole people must not go on and cannot be tolerated.

The movement has come to a critical juncture, a moment that would have arrived even if Ismaaiyl Brinsley had not made his own fatal decision. It was always inevitable that the cops would at some point demand that the State dispense with civil liberties pretenses and allow them to crush the nascent movement. New York City’s police force – by far the nation’s largest army of domestic occupation – is especially prone to mutiny and coup-plotting. Thousands of cops, many of them drunk, stormed City Hall in 1992 to express their utter contempt for Black mayor David Dinkins. But, the current crisis is far different, because it is the movement’s show, not the cops’. The people are exposing the most acute contradictions of American life through direct confrontation with the armed enforcers of the State. The cops are supposed to be upset. As Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. explained, “the purpose of direct action is to create a situation so crisis-packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation.” The crisis is here, and will grow deeper, but freedom is non-negotiable. The movement must win or be crushed.

Source: by Glen Ford

The Punk from Baltimore


We don’t know who among the levels of policing are responsible, or how far reaching the history germinating this crime, where the motivations may have come from. You take a known felon who shoots his x, a product of our society, been through the system and knows full well he is going back and he’s decided he won’t go back. This is his last stand. He is going out taking others with him. He took his miserable life out on our NYC Cops. A Hispanic and an Asian in uniform, soullessly murdered in cold blood in their patrol car eating lunch.

The mourning people of New York City have been shedding real emotional tears over the loss of Garner and the other unarmed sons of all colors shot by the Police, but no one wants Our Police the victims of senseless acts of murder from imported whack jobs having nothing to do with our city. We want our Cops unharmed period. And we want our Men In Blue to understand as we do that the burden they have been carrying is unfair. They were asked too much of. The former mayors of New York, Gulliani and Bloomberg ratcheted up the fear. Everyone was arrested, protesters were denied civil rights, and today we have the anguish of that period visiting us again.

Pat Lynch has been a voice of fear. He put his union members in harms way when he followed the leads of Gulliani and Bratton, Bloomberg and Kelly, and now as Bratton reverses his “broken windows” strategy created under Mayor Gulliani, the residue keeps mucking up the dialogue. Pat Lynch some of your officers are not fit to wear the badge. Some of the policies asked of your men were too much. Like quotas you never came clean or said this is not what my union expects their members job description should be. All the fine men in uniform that honor that uniform are victims of the few. Some cops may have been broken by the load asked of them by the force.

Our criminal justice system sold out to corporate interests and politicians got paid off. Unable, unwilling to bring any kind of process to help the incarcerated a corporate cost maintenance forever in the care of society. Politicians took the money from corporate prison lobbyists and now we have those that are forever falling through the cracks with nowhere to go. A sad hopeless scenario that many a soul is faced with.

The NRA proliferated guns in the states south of New York. Illegal guns come into a city that has no need of arming citizens. The crime rate is down and many people have been broken. They have taken it up the ass so long and still the cry goes out from mother’s who mourn children caught in the hellfire of police and politics, fear and invisible walls. Our overworked policemen, bending to the political pressure of fear and what ifs that drive the force to excessive aggression and no one will take the blame or responsibility.

There are more than a hundred sources contributing to this ambush. Our politicians haven’t had the courage or the life experience to represent the people they don’t work for the people anymore.

It is time to look within Pat Lynch before you blame City Hall. Standing up to the blue wall of silence, asking it to be torn down like that wall in Berlin, any wall, the wall against Mexico, our walls towards one another have to be torn down, we have become locked inside.

Our heartfelt condolences go out to the families of the slain officers. They are our heroes and they are now martyrs in the struggles of our times asking all to stop the divisive hate, the blame games, the lack of introspection we must all endure together.

The Wall Street Bull

It was 10 nights before Christmas, and all the way down Wall Street the coast was clear.

A flatbed truck turned the corner and lurched to a stop directly in front of the New York Stock Exchange. Arturo Di Modica and his small band of co-conspirators jumped out of the truck and got right to work — the night watchman had just completed his patrol of 11 Wall St., and, having cased the block for several nights, Di Modica and his team knew they had just 4 ½ minutes until he returned.

They lowered the bronze beast — all 3 ½ tons of it — right into the middle of Broad Street, and right under the exchange’s Christmas tree. The truck zoomed out of sight, but Di Modica stood at the corner, watching and waiting for morning.

It was 25 years ago today that Wall Street’s favorite mascot arrived downtown. Di Modica, the Italian artist who spent $350,000 of his own money to cast “Charging Bull” in his Soho studio as a Christmas gift to the city, relished the reactions of New Yorkers — traders, tourists, cab drivers and hot dog vendors. Unlike in Pamplona, they were running toward the bull, he said.

“It was love right away,” Di Modica, now 73, told MarketWatch. “They wanted to touch it, embrace it — it was beautiful. I stood there watching until about noon, when I took a break and went to lunch.”

Executives at the New York Stock Exchange were not nearly so amused, perhaps mistaking the bull for some sort of Trojan horse. Though there were no Athenian soldiers lurking inside, ready to jump out and spear the Masters of the Universe, apparently NYSE Chairman Richard Grasso didn’t want to take his chances, Di Modica recalled.

The police were called in, and, when they proved unwilling or ill-equipped to run an 18-foot-long bull out of town, the exchange hired private contractors to remove him. The beast suffered a fate far less dignified than being slain by a matador in the ring. He was hauled off to Queens.

“Bah, Humbug!” proclaimed the front page of the next morning’s New York Post, above a photo of the bull being carted away. “N.Y. Stock Exchange grinches can’t bear Christmas-gift bull.”

Di Modica, who for years plopped his works out on city streets in the middle of the night, should have been used to this sort of thing. But even though his bull seemed menacing, nostrils flared and ready to gore anything or anyone in its path, the sculpture, he said, was intended as a symbol of New York’s drive, optimism and willingness to barrel ahead against the odds and in spite of what had come before.

The artist conceived “Charging Bull” during the city’s most bearish hour — just days after the stock-market crash of 1987. A Sicilian immigrant who had found success in New York — enough to buy a Manhattan studio and a Ferrari — remained hopeful for his adopted home at a time many were selling the city short, convinced its best days were behind it. Though the market had recovered much of its losses by 1989, the city was stlll a crime-ridden shadow of its former and future self.

Though Grasso could not be reached to corroborate the story, the chairman, according to Di Modica, offered to bring the bull back to the exchange on one condition. “He wanted me to make a bear, too,” the artist said. “I told him I was not going to do that — the bear means the market goes down, but I wanted to represent the city getting bigger, stronger, faster.” Grasso, recalled Di Modica, hung up.

Di Modica paid to bail “Charging Bull” out of the outer boroughs, and with the help of community activists, and the city’s Parks Department, found a new home for him just a few blocks away from the exchange in Bowling Green. There he has remained the past 25 years, greeting millions of tourists, newcomers and natives as a kind of free-market Statue of Liberty.

The bull’s time in New York has been generally bullish. The beast witnessed the city’s reversal of fortune, the drop in crime, the rise in real-estate prices, the election of a billionaire mayor. He’s also stood firm through the dot-com bust, two terrorist attacks (Sept. 11 left him covered in a thick layer of soot), the Occupy Wall Street protests (during which “Charging Bull” was used a symbol of greed run amok) and the worst economic collapse since the Great Depression.

Di Modica likely recouped the expense of building the bull several times over in the past 25 years, having cast sibling bulls for cities around the world, and having sold many smaller versions to collectors.

Whenever the market is down, people stop him in the street and ask, “Why isn’t the bull working?” he reported. “I tell them he’s resting, he’s tired, but he’ll get back to it soon.”

The artist doesn’t play the market himself: “I’m not an investor — I have a manager to do that work.”

But every couple of week he pays a visit to his most famous creation, watching the tourists pose with it the way they first did 25 years before.

MDC says that the bronze is the most protected piece of artwork with 24/7 stationed NYPD multiple police car units with officers.